Saturday, September 25, 2010
Public Transport
I am doing my blog on the problem with public transport in Stellenbosch. Public transport has become a very big problem throughout the country. No one knows with whom to speak to about this issue. People are scared of busses and it is becoming more and more dangerous and some busses has a bad reputation of making a lot of accidents. People do not want to feel endangered of scared while being transported. Transport in general is vital because you can only get to certain places when you have to walk.
Homeless People in Stellenbosch
I am doing my blog on the “Homeless People in Stellenbosch”. This is a matter that concerns me and maybe a few of you reading my article as well. The homeless people in Stellenbosch are from a wide variety of cultures and races. From my experience in Stellenbosch and around the town, I have seen white, black and brown people, all suffering from hunger and sleeping in the streets. Most of you have also witnessed homeless people begging for money or food. I am especially concerned about their well-being and health.
I will be observing the homeless people of Stellenbosch for the weeks following and be writing articles about my understanding that you could relate to if you have encountered some of the people living on the streets as well.
Carien van der Walt
I will be observing the homeless people of Stellenbosch for the weeks following and be writing articles about my understanding that you could relate to if you have encountered some of the people living on the streets as well.
Carien van der Walt
Social (in)tolerances in Stellenbosch's youth
Stellenbosch is a refreshing, young and vibrant community, where numerous backgrounds, beliefs, customs, values and interests converge. Its diversity and spirit present Stellenbosch’s community as a wonderful resemblance of the South African rainbow nation. As such, one would expect this young community to be extensively tolerant of and interested in the colourful assortment of backgrounds, values, practices and opinions. However, is this micro-version of our beautiful rainbow nation truly all that open-minded? In the following weeks I will engage with this topic and, accordingly, discuss the (in)tolerances of Stellenbosch’s society by focusing on its youth.
Studying in Stellenbosch myself, my subject of research is consequently a type of ‘hometown’ society to me, which may impinge on my objectivity. On the other hand though, the fact that I was born and raised in Namibia, finished school in Cape Town, and live in Somerset West since 5 years, yet study in Stellenbosch, offers me a certain degree of objectivity and open-mindedness in my approach and analyses. Nevertheless, I need to be cautious and aware of my stance, the bias I carry with me and consequently the conclusions I draw. Over the following weeks I will thus be as self-reflexive as possible and keep the dangers of analysing a hometown community in mind, in order to determine and present my observations, findings and conclusions as fairly, objectively and accurately as possible.
- Ann-Kathrin von Flotow
Studying in Stellenbosch myself, my subject of research is consequently a type of ‘hometown’ society to me, which may impinge on my objectivity. On the other hand though, the fact that I was born and raised in Namibia, finished school in Cape Town, and live in Somerset West since 5 years, yet study in Stellenbosch, offers me a certain degree of objectivity and open-mindedness in my approach and analyses. Nevertheless, I need to be cautious and aware of my stance, the bias I carry with me and consequently the conclusions I draw. Over the following weeks I will thus be as self-reflexive as possible and keep the dangers of analysing a hometown community in mind, in order to determine and present my observations, findings and conclusions as fairly, objectively and accurately as possible.
- Ann-Kathrin von Flotow
Friday, September 24, 2010
Are There Racist Motivations Behind The Language Policy At The University Of Stellenbosch?
Ben Saxby
My section of the Blog will be looking at the motivations behind the language policy at Stellenbosch in order to ascertain if they are in fact racist as some allege. In this regard, I will be gathering information on how people from different racial backgrounds experience the policy. Before this is done however, background information needs to be provided as to what exactly the language policy entails.
In 2002, the official language policy and plan of Stellenbosch University was approved by the council of the University (Kotze 2010: 7). According to the language policy, the university has committed itself to the use and sustained development of Afrikaans as an academic language in a multi-lingual context. In this regard, language is to be used in a manner that is directed towards its engagement with knowledge in a diverse society. The policy also states that the university recognises the special status of Afrikaans as an academic language as well as its responsibility to promote it. However, it also takes into account the status of English as an international language of communication and of the increasing use IsiXhosa in academic contexts.
The use of the three languages is distinguished in the following manner...
Afrikaans is by default the language of instruction at undergraduate level, while at postgraduate level, English is used to a greater extent (Kotze 2010: 7).
As already stated, isiXhosa is acknowledged as an academic language on the rise. The university therefore provides opportunities for students, as well as staff, to acquire communication skills in this language (Kotze 2010: 7).
The Adam Tass Society is a student organisation which promotes the use of Afrikaans at the University of Stellenbosch. Afrikaans has been stigmatised as a language of conservative, racist white people and its promotion as an academic language is perceived to be implemented with the intention of discouraging non-Afrikaans speakers - both black and white - from attending the university. In this regard, the Adam Tass society distances itself from these perceptions by promoting a form of Afrikaans which is inclusive - irrespective of race and culture (E Marais 2010, pers. comm., 23 Sep.). The society therefore aims to celebrate the diversity of the language by acting as a bridge builder whose members recognise that Afrikaans is not only spoken by whites, but also by blacks and coloureds as well.
According to the former secretary of the Adam Tass Society Ernst Marais (2010 pers. comm., 23 Sep.) the council’s decision to have university classes conducted in both English and Afrikaans does not achieve its objectives and instead endangers Afrikaans. The decision to implement this policy arose out of a need to encourage more colour and language diversity at Stellenbosch. However, as far as Ernst is concerned, this policy has been self-defeating because all it attracts are more wealthy white English speaking students instead of rural coloureds who, according to Ernst, speak mostly Afrikaans and very little English. Along with this, research has proven that when two languages are used simultaneously in university instruction, the dominant language (i.e. English) gradually forces the minority language into disuse (E Marais 2010, pers. comm., 23 Sep.).
Ernst (2010 pers. comm., 23 Sep) believes that this problem can be overcome with the implementation of translator services. In this approach lectures are conducted in Afrikaans while non-Afrikaans speakers wear earphones providing an English translation. This has worked very well for other universities like the University of Potchestroom according to Ernst, and in comparison to having separate classes for different language groups, is actually quite cost-effective. Why the university has not decided to utilise this approach is a mystery to Ernst, but he suggests that by all appearances, it seems as if the university is not truly honouring its historical obligation to promote Afrikaans as a language of tuition and research.
References
Kotze, H.J. (2010) Faculty of arts and social sciences. Cape Town: Shumani Printers.
My section of the Blog will be looking at the motivations behind the language policy at Stellenbosch in order to ascertain if they are in fact racist as some allege. In this regard, I will be gathering information on how people from different racial backgrounds experience the policy. Before this is done however, background information needs to be provided as to what exactly the language policy entails.
In 2002, the official language policy and plan of Stellenbosch University was approved by the council of the University (Kotze 2010: 7). According to the language policy, the university has committed itself to the use and sustained development of Afrikaans as an academic language in a multi-lingual context. In this regard, language is to be used in a manner that is directed towards its engagement with knowledge in a diverse society. The policy also states that the university recognises the special status of Afrikaans as an academic language as well as its responsibility to promote it. However, it also takes into account the status of English as an international language of communication and of the increasing use IsiXhosa in academic contexts.
The use of the three languages is distinguished in the following manner...
Afrikaans is by default the language of instruction at undergraduate level, while at postgraduate level, English is used to a greater extent (Kotze 2010: 7).
As already stated, isiXhosa is acknowledged as an academic language on the rise. The university therefore provides opportunities for students, as well as staff, to acquire communication skills in this language (Kotze 2010: 7).
The Adam Tass Society is a student organisation which promotes the use of Afrikaans at the University of Stellenbosch. Afrikaans has been stigmatised as a language of conservative, racist white people and its promotion as an academic language is perceived to be implemented with the intention of discouraging non-Afrikaans speakers - both black and white - from attending the university. In this regard, the Adam Tass society distances itself from these perceptions by promoting a form of Afrikaans which is inclusive - irrespective of race and culture (E Marais 2010, pers. comm., 23 Sep.). The society therefore aims to celebrate the diversity of the language by acting as a bridge builder whose members recognise that Afrikaans is not only spoken by whites, but also by blacks and coloureds as well.
According to the former secretary of the Adam Tass Society Ernst Marais (2010 pers. comm., 23 Sep.) the council’s decision to have university classes conducted in both English and Afrikaans does not achieve its objectives and instead endangers Afrikaans. The decision to implement this policy arose out of a need to encourage more colour and language diversity at Stellenbosch. However, as far as Ernst is concerned, this policy has been self-defeating because all it attracts are more wealthy white English speaking students instead of rural coloureds who, according to Ernst, speak mostly Afrikaans and very little English. Along with this, research has proven that when two languages are used simultaneously in university instruction, the dominant language (i.e. English) gradually forces the minority language into disuse (E Marais 2010, pers. comm., 23 Sep.).
Ernst (2010 pers. comm., 23 Sep) believes that this problem can be overcome with the implementation of translator services. In this approach lectures are conducted in Afrikaans while non-Afrikaans speakers wear earphones providing an English translation. This has worked very well for other universities like the University of Potchestroom according to Ernst, and in comparison to having separate classes for different language groups, is actually quite cost-effective. Why the university has not decided to utilise this approach is a mystery to Ernst, but he suggests that by all appearances, it seems as if the university is not truly honouring its historical obligation to promote Afrikaans as a language of tuition and research.
References
Kotze, H.J. (2010) Faculty of arts and social sciences. Cape Town: Shumani Printers.
Health and Nutrition in the Squatter Settlements
Introduction
In my section of the blog I will focus on the issue of health and nutrition in the squatter settlements basing the argument of my fieldwork on the book of Fiona C. Ross “RAW LIFE, NEW HOPE Decency, Housing and Everyday Life in a Post-Apartheid Community”. The squatter settlement that I will use is Kayamandi the periphery of Stellenbosch. This is because majority of people in Kayamandi stay in shacks that are generally seen as health hazards houses, because in the shack when is cold it gets colder and when it hot it gets hotter. This is because shacks are made out of scrap materials like often plywood, corrugated metal, and sheets of plastic. This kind of settlements are usually built on the periphery of cities, and often do not have proper sanitation, electricity, health services, and security services.
In these kinds of settlements people live without proper sanitation facilities, no running water or limited access to clean water, no privacy, and crime rate is high, moreover the area is highly polluted. These living conditions are ideal for the proliferation of health related problems such as Malaria, TB, cholera, diarrhoea, and HIV/AIDS. Majority of the children living in Kayamandi are subject to poverty, hunger, malnutrition and insufficient education opportunities. There is also high level of illiteracy and high unemployment rate. To see that most of the people are unemployed you see people that fall under the working age population (people between 15 and 64 years) walking around the streets during working hours.
Thendo Mafame
In my section of the blog I will focus on the issue of health and nutrition in the squatter settlements basing the argument of my fieldwork on the book of Fiona C. Ross “RAW LIFE, NEW HOPE Decency, Housing and Everyday Life in a Post-Apartheid Community”. The squatter settlement that I will use is Kayamandi the periphery of Stellenbosch. This is because majority of people in Kayamandi stay in shacks that are generally seen as health hazards houses, because in the shack when is cold it gets colder and when it hot it gets hotter. This is because shacks are made out of scrap materials like often plywood, corrugated metal, and sheets of plastic. This kind of settlements are usually built on the periphery of cities, and often do not have proper sanitation, electricity, health services, and security services.
In these kinds of settlements people live without proper sanitation facilities, no running water or limited access to clean water, no privacy, and crime rate is high, moreover the area is highly polluted. These living conditions are ideal for the proliferation of health related problems such as Malaria, TB, cholera, diarrhoea, and HIV/AIDS. Majority of the children living in Kayamandi are subject to poverty, hunger, malnutrition and insufficient education opportunities. There is also high level of illiteracy and high unemployment rate. To see that most of the people are unemployed you see people that fall under the working age population (people between 15 and 64 years) walking around the streets during working hours.
Thendo Mafame
The Effects on Victims II
Reflections on Murdered Matie Student
Recently, a student at the University of Stellenbosch was murdered. As I recognize that this is a sensitive issue to some people, I have decided to neither mention the name of the victim nor the details of the murder. However, I thought it was important to address this tragic event, since it is a crude proof of the reality of crime in Stellenbosch.
In the wake of the murder, I sought to interview students on campus about their reactions towards it, as well as the impact that it has had on them and the student community. However, I decided, out of ethical considerations, not to interview students that were adversely affected by the incident. Still, students in Stellenbosch in general are likely to be affected by the murder, since they might associate themselves with the victim as students.
This first collection of interviews involves four students at the University of Stellenbosch. Student 1 and 2 are white males in their twenties. Student 3 and 4 are white females in their twenties. Student 1 and 3 are not from the Western Cape. Student 2 and 4 are from the Western Cape, but not originally from Stellenbosch.
It appears from the interviews that all the students reacted with shock towards the crime, because they did not expect a murder of a student to occur in Stellenbosch. Student 3 also reacted with fear for her own and her friends' lives. Most students also experienced anger, in terms of the lack of respect for the right to life that the perpetrators displayed, and sadness, in regard to the victim's family and friends. All the students denied that this murder would affect them psychologically in the long run. An interesting feature was that student 1 and 4 deliberately chose to not let it affect them as a defense mechanism. However, student 3 recognized that the high crime level in South Africa, of which this murder was part, has made her more cautious, scared and paranoid than before. The students did not appear to think that the crime was personal enough for them to be affected in the long run. Paradoxically, all the students affirmed that this murder does/will have broader implications for students in Stellenbosch. They seemed to think that the murder will make students more cautious in their daily lives. Below you can read the interview in full.
1) What was your reaction when you first heard about the murder?
Student 1: I was shocked, because you don't expect things like this to happen in the Western Cape, but in other provinces.
Student 2: I was shocked, because it is not often you hear about students being murdered in Stellenbosch.
Student 3: I was shocked and scared, because it was so unexpected and I feared it might happen to me or the people I know.
Student 4: I was shocked.
2) What emotions did it provoke in you?
Student 1: Shock and sadness.
Student 2: Disbelief, shock, anger.
Student 3: Shock, fear, anger, sadness.
Student 4: Anger and sadness.
3) Why do you think that you felt those emotions?
Student 1: I felt sad for the girl, and what she must have thought, and his family. I also felt sad for him ending up killed, because he tried to help the girl.
Student 2: I felt disbelief and shock, because such a crime is not common to Stellenbosch. I felt angry, because it is such a terrible crime that is so unnecessary.
Student 3: I was shocked, because I didn't expect it. I was scared, because I thought Stellenbosch has become unsafe for myself and the people I care about. I was angry at the perpetrators of the crime that could commit such an evil act towards another person and wished that they should suffer. I felt sadness on behalf of the victim's family and friends.
Student 4: I was angry and sad, because I can't understand how people just can murder others like that. It makes me so angry. He was so young and he would have graduate at the end of the year.
4) Do you think this murder will affect you psychologically in the long run? If yes, how will it affect you? If no, why not?
Student 1: No. I feel it won't affect me, because you can't let it affect you. If you let it affect you, you will always be constrained by an act that you didn't actually experience.
Student 2: No. Although in the short term I will be more cautious and afraid, I will eventually forget this incident.
Student 3: No. But every crime I hear about adds to the high crime level in South Africa, which has altogether altered my behaviour. I am much more cautious, scared and paranoid than I used to be.
Student 4: No. I don't know him personally and I hear about stuff like that so often in the news that I try not to let it affect me psychologically, otherwise I would have been a wreck by this time.
5) Do you think this murder does/will have broader implications for students in Stellenbosch as a whole? If yes, how does/will it affect the student community? If no, why not?
Student 1: Yes. I think people will be more cautious and aware. People know that it can happen to them so they take precautions.
Student 2: Yes. I think students will be more cautious of where they walk especially at night and it will change their sense of freedom and safety.
Student 3: Yes. I think such an incident will always shock the foundations of a student community. Stellenbosch is a student town where most people at university know each other somehow, either as friends or friends of friends. For this reason, such an incident becomes instantly more personal. I think people automatically draw parallells between themselves and/or their friends and the victim. You start fearing that you might be next. I think this causes students to become more cautious and protect each other. For example, you ask someone if they need a lift somewhere so that they don't need to walk alone.
Student 4: Yes. Maybe students would learn to stay away of dangerous places, especially late at night and in the early morning hours. They would be more cautious.
(To view the entire collection of posts on crime, click 'Crime' in the list of pages to the left of the website).
- Mayah Veronica Ekse (15637018)
Die impak van tegnologiese ontwikkeling op verskillende generasies in die stad
As groep het ons op die tema "Tegnologiese ontwikkeling en die impak wat dit op mense in die stad het" besluit. Met 'tegnologiese ontwikkeling' word daar verwys na die nuwe sosiale netwerke wat op die internet ontwikkel het, asook nuwe selfoonmake wat kommunikasie makliker en goedkoper maak. Omdat ons elkeen oor 'n sub-afdeling van hierdie tema moes skryf, het ek besluit om te fokus op verskillende ouderdomsgroepe. Dit is hoe my sub-tema onder die tema van 'Generasie' inpas. Ek wil graag uitvind hoe verskillende ouderdomsgroepe tegnologiese ontwikkelinge ervaar en hoe hierdie ontwikkelinge 'n verskil maak in die manier waarop hulle kommunikeer en optree tenoor mekaar in die stad. Ek beplan om (as navorsing) onderhoude te voer met mense wat verskillende ouderdomme verteenwoordig en so in diepte te verstaan wat die impak van tegnologiese ontwikkelinge op hul persoonlike lewens het, asook die manier waarop hul interaksie het met ander. Sodoende kan daar dalk veralgemenings gemaak word oor mense in die stad vs tegnologiese ontwikkeling. Omdat ek ook self deel van een van hierdie ouderdomsgroepe is, sal ek my persoonlike ervaring met hierdie tegnologiese ontwikkeling ook meedeel, omdat dit ontmoontlik sal wees om myself te skei van die navorsing wat ek gaan doen. Ouderdomsgroepe waarop ek gaan fokus is 12-17jaar, 18-26jaar, 27-35jaar, 40-50jaar, en 51jaar en ouer. Deur om dieselfde, of eenderse, vrae aan mense van hierdie verskillende ouderdomsgroepe te vra, sal daar gesien kan word hoe mense van verskillende ouderdomme se menings en opinies verskil oor dieselfde saak. Dit sal ook interessante resultate lewer, as daar gekyk word na die toekoms van tegnologie en die impak wat dit in latere jare steeds op mense sal hê.
Helene Morkel
Monday, September 20, 2010
The Effects on Victims I
Introduction
Are you constantly looking over your shoulder? Do you worry about whether it is safe to carry your wallet, laptop, ipod, cell phone or camera openly? Or whether your car is parked in a safe place? Do you always make sure that all windows, gates and doors are locked to your house? Are you afraid to walk alone at night? If you answered yes to any of these questions, crime has had a psychological impact on you.
Since so many people are unaware of the actual impact that crime has on them in their daily lives, I want to investigate the extent of the emotional and psychological effects on direct, or indirect, victims of crime in Stellenbosch. This sub-topic triggers my interest for two reasons. Firstly, I have been exposed to crime in Stellenbosch myself. Secondly, this aspect of crime is part of the great impact that crime has on South Africa.
Over the next weeks, I will do ethnographic research by interviewing people of different gender, ages and backgrounds that have been affected different types of crimes. I will pose the same questions to these people in order to make their answers easily comparable. These interviews and my conclusions I will post on this blog, so that you can make up your own opinion. The purpose of the interviews is to assess (1) whether there are similarities in how people in Stellenbosch react and feel towards criminal acts (2) whether the people suffer long-lasting psychological effects because of the crime and (3) whether crime affects society in Stellenbosch as a whole.
 |
| (Roman, 2010) |
Since so many people are unaware of the actual impact that crime has on them in their daily lives, I want to investigate the extent of the emotional and psychological effects on direct, or indirect, victims of crime in Stellenbosch. This sub-topic triggers my interest for two reasons. Firstly, I have been exposed to crime in Stellenbosch myself. Secondly, this aspect of crime is part of the great impact that crime has on South Africa.
Over the next weeks, I will do ethnographic research by interviewing people of different gender, ages and backgrounds that have been affected different types of crimes. I will pose the same questions to these people in order to make their answers easily comparable. These interviews and my conclusions I will post on this blog, so that you can make up your own opinion. The purpose of the interviews is to assess (1) whether there are similarities in how people in Stellenbosch react and feel towards criminal acts (2) whether the people suffer long-lasting psychological effects because of the crime and (3) whether crime affects society in Stellenbosch as a whole.
However, before I attempt to write anything more on the subject, it is necessary that I deal with the problems of objectivity that arises when anthropology is done at home. Anthropologists have long thought that they can only study societies apart from the one into which they were born. They saw not not being born into the societies that they study as a way of distancing themselves, which allowed them to study people objectively. Although anthropology is opening up to anthropology at home, the issue of objectivity still remains (Peirano, 1998).
In terms of my own background, there are factors that make me both objective and subjective. I am objective in the sense that I am not South African. I was born, grew up and received my primary and secondary education in Norway. This lends me a different perspective on crime, particularly because Norway is one of the countries in the world with the lowest crime rate. Where I come from, for example, not everyone locks the doors of their houses. I also do not know anyone from Norway that has experienced crime within the country. It was only two and a half years ago that I moved to Stellenbosch. Nevertheless, the fact that I have spent some years in South Africa already increases my subjectivity. My subjectivity is also increased by the fact that I am married to a South African who has lived in Stellenbosch for four years. In addition, the several experiences that I have had with crime in Stellenbosch contributes to my subjectivity as well. During the time that I have been here, I have had a laptop, a car and clothes stolen.
(To view the entire collection of posts on crime, click 'Crime' in the list of themes to the left of the website).
(Written permission to use the photograph has been obtained from the photographer who is also the subject).
- Mayah Veronica Ekse
Bibliography
Peirano, M. G. S. 1998. When Anthropology is at Home: The Different Contexts of a Single Discipline. Annual Review of Anthropology, 27: 105-128.
Roman, R. 2010. Fear. [Electronic print]. Available: http://razorbladereflection.deviantart.com/gallery/#/d2koed8 [30 September 2010]
Roman, R. 2010. Fear. [Electronic print]. Available: http://razorbladereflection.deviantart.com/gallery/#/d2koed8 [30 September 2010]
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